In
many instances, natural resources are of direct value to us as needs or as
consumption goods (e.g. breathable air, drinkable water, and fisheries); in
others, they are of indirect value (e.g. plankton, which serve as food for
fish, which we, in turn, consume); sometimes they are both (e.g. drinking and
irrigation water). The "value" I am alluding to may be utilitarian
(e.g. the resource may be a source of food, or a keystone species in an
ecosystem), it may be aesthetic (e.g. the resource in question could be a landscape),
or it may be intrinsic (e.g. a living animal); indeed, it may be all these
things at once.
Resource
stocks are measured in different ways, depending on their character: in mass
units (e.g. biomass units for forests, cow dung, and crop residues), in numbers
(e.g. size of an animal herd), in indices of "quality" (e.g. water-
and air-quality indicators), in volume units (e.g. acre-feet for aquifers), and
so forth.
There
is a small tribe of economists, known as resource economists (I happen to
belong to this tribe), who tend to view the natural environment through the lenses
of population ecology. The focus in population ecology is the dynamics of
interacting populations of different species; so it is customary there to take
the background environmental processes as given and not subject to analysis.
The most well-known illustration of this viewpoint is the use of the logistic
function to chart the time path of the biomass of a single species of fish
enjoying a constant flow of food. Predator-prey models (e.g. that of Volterra)
provide another class of examples; as do the May-MacArthur models of competition
among an arbitrary number of species. Depending on the context, the flow of
value we derive from a resource stock could be dependent on the rate at which
it is harvested, or on the size of the stock; in many cases, it would be
dependent on both. For example, annual commercial profits from a fishery depend
not only on the rate at which it is harvested, but also on the stock of the
fishery, because unit harvesting costs are typically low when stocks are large
and high when stocks are low. The valuation of resources and the rates at which
populations are harvested in different institutional settings are among the
resource economist's objects of inquiry (Dasgupta and Heal, 1979; Dasgupta,
1982).
There
is another small tribe of economists, known as environmental economists (I
happen to belong to this tribe as well), who, in seeming contrast to resource
economists, base their studies on ecosystem ecology.
There,
the focus is on such objects as energy at different trophic levels and its rate
of flow among them, and the distribution and flows of biochemical substances in
soils and bodies of water, and of gases and particulates in the atmosphere. The
motivation is to study both the biotic and abiotic processes underlying the
services ecosystems provide for us. As is now well known, these services are generated
by interactions among organisms, populations of organisms, communities of
populations, and the physical and chemical environment in which they reside.
Ecosystems are the sources of water, of animal and plant food, and of other
renewable resources. In this way, ecosystems maintain a genetic library,
sustain the processes that preserve and regenerate soil, recycle nutrients,
control floods, filter pollutants, assimilate waste, pollinate crops, operate
the hydrological cycle, and maintain the gaseous composition of the atmosphere.
The
totality of all the ecosystems of the world represents a large part of our
natural capital-base, which, for vividness, I will refer to as our environmental
resource-base.
Environmental
problems are thus almost always associated with resources that are
regenerative, but that are in danger of exhaustion from excessive use. It makes
sense then to identify environmental resources with renewable natural
resources.
The
valuation of ecological services and the patterns in which they are available
under different institutional settings are among the environmental economist's objects
of inquiry. Economic studies of global warming, eutrophication of lakes, the
management of rangelands, and the pollution of estuaries are examples of such endeavor (Costanza, 1991; Mäler et al., 1992; Walker, 1993; Nordhaus, 1994).
In
a formal sense, population and ecosystem ecology differ only by way of the
variables ("state variables", as they are called) that are taken to characterize complex systems. In the former, the typical variables are
population sizes (or, alternatively, tonnage) of different species; in the
latter, they are indices of various services. As noted earlier, it is often
possible to summarize the latter in terms of indices of "quality",
such as those for air, soil, or water. Each such index should be taken to be a summary
statistic (reflecting a particular form of aggregation) that enables the analyst
to study complex systems by means of a few strategically chosen variables.
The
viewpoint just offered, that of distinguishing population and ecosystem ecology
in terms of the state variables that summarize complex systems, allows us to
integrate problems of resource management with problems of environmental
pollution and degradation. It
reminds us that resource economics and environmental economics are the same
subject. It also suggests that the environmental resource-base should be seen
as a gigantic capital stock. Animal, bird, and fish populations (including the
vast array of micro-organisms), water, soil, forest cover, and the atmosphere
are among the components of this stock. Hence, it would be convenient to refer to both resource and environmental economics by
the overarching name, ecological economics.
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